Reserved Seats for Women in Pakistan
“No true democracy exists if women’s voices are kept in silence.” The remark sounds more true in the face of Pakistan the more the number of women rises and becomes half of the whole population. Since the country gained its independence in 1947, women’s representation in the National Assembly has varied, reflecting broader societal attitudes towards gender equality. The constitutions of 1956 and 1962 initially provided for only six reserved seats for women in the National Assembly, a figure that increased to 10 with the 1973 constitution for a period of 10 years or three national assembly elections.
In 1985, the number of reserved seats was raised to 20. Nevertheless, these seats have lapsed, and the elected governments have not reinstated them. In the era of General Pervez Musharraf, the number of reserved seats was raised to 60, a step that seemed progressive on the surface. Yet, this move has not resulted in empowering women as anticipated.
Symbolic Participation
The significant problem today is that nearly all the reserved seats are taken by women from the prosperous class. Even if we skip this issue, the real political power of these women is likely to be very little. The current cabinet, for instance, does not contain any women at all. The system of reserved seats is what is commonly perceived as a mere token gesture intended to make the governmental gender balance easier.
The representation of women is a more symbolic reality than an authentic one. The intended seats for women often go to those who do nothing else besides strengthening the positions of the families in power. In other words, these women do not serve as independent, active legislators themselves. So, a lot of them only act as figureheads; they are doing so by following the direction of male politicians instead of influencing policy themselves.
Although the shift in the legislative framework towards the creation of a more meaningful and fair representation of women in the legislature continues, women still face systemic inequalities in the Pakistani legislative framework. Both laws and policies overlook or fail to address the primary issues unique to women, such as gender-based violence, equal pay, and the lack of access to education.
Without women truly being at the table and being a part of the decision-making process, it will be difficult to create policies that can really address the problems. The persistent absence of strong female voices in the most important legislative positions that could decide the integrity of the laws creates a situation where those laws remain skewed and preoccupied with the institutional level of gender discrimination.
Solving the Problem
The solution should not only concern an increase in the number of females in parliament, but it should be focused more on the improvement of women’s participation quality in the lawmaking process. This means that women should be given real power in politics, as opposed to mere tokenism. The mere fulfillment of quotas as a way of achieving gender balance does not address the real issues. What is required is an overarching reform that warrants true representation, where women are not only seen in discussions on what society categorizes as “women’s issues” but as key players in determining the policies that matter to the whole society.
There are some who deduce that women should solely concentrate on the so-called women’s issues, but this approach merely confines women into a narrow area of interest, thereby limiting their influence in political decision-making. This attitude also suggests that women are faced only when dealing with gender-specific issues; thus, they are not allowed to voice opinions on a broader spectrum of legislative decisions.
Such a form of marginalization deprives women’s voices in policy shaping throughout a wide range of areas, from the economy to healthcare, education, and many other sectors. If women are confined to speaking for their gender alone, they will only have a little impact on society’s growth in other areas. This is why we must challenge this belief and instead advocate for women’s participation not only in the areas that concern women but in all areas of governance.
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The views and opinions expressed in this article/paper are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Paradigm Shift.
Obaid Mukhtar Awan is currently pursuing a BA LLB. He has a keen interest in politics, law, and social issues, which inform much of his writing. He is passionate about exploring the intersections of gender, governance, and societal reform.