Since the making of Pakistan, hundreds of books have been composed pertaining to the discourse surrounding its foundation. Most of the books are confined to describing the trajectory of the freedom movement. They had their primary focus on unfolding the swing of events, overlooking the progress in the realm of underlying framework, the edifice on which the building of Muslim nationalism was erected in India.
There are a very few writers who addressed the subject matter, but the majority is partial, rather prejudice, either towards or against this version of nationalism, and this partiality is also translated into their research which hinders the capacity to come up with an objective analysis of this phenomena: the growth of Muslim nationalism in India.
Khursheed Kamal Aziz, better known as K.K Aziz, is one of the authors who maintained a balanced approach to a greater extent in his exploration of the factors which constituted the Muslim nationhood in India, ultimately leading to the creation of Pakistan. Aziz, an eminent author of preceding century and an authority on Muslim India, had the authorship of 44 books to his credit.
The book starts with a prologue which is followed by an introduction. Succeeding pages incorporate multiple chapters, each named after and designated to the details of a particular cause which contributed to the Muslim identity-synthesis in India. Glossary and index are complimentary, adding value to its worth. Each chapter is also divided into sections, enabling smoother flow of information.
Introduction is very crucial as it outlines the “13 Articles of Faith” of nationalism providing a framework of analysis for upcoming chapters. The author observes that nationalism is a myth, a policy, a sentiment, a doctrine and a dogma simultaneously. The first two chapters navigate through the intricate historical narrative which constructed religion-derived nationalism in India. It was the Aligarh Movement which breathed life into the consciousness of a distinct entity among Muslims, a nascent form of nationalism. The first chaotic decade of the twentieth century pushed this group into politics.
The next decade is characterized by the honeymoon period between Muslims and Hindus. However, the subsequent events including the Hindu-Muslim riots, the Nehru Report, and the Round Table Conferences shattered the hope for the evolution of common nationality, deepening the Muslims’ feeling of separateness from others and oneness among themselves.
The adoption of Lahore Resolution marked the point when Muslim nationalism reached to its mature stage, giving them a definitive course of action. Subsequent attempts of rapprochement, ranging from Jinnah-Gandhi talks to the Wavell Plan, failed miserably. The idea of Pakistan phenomenally diffused among Muslim quarters, ultimately leading to the consensus among three major parties that partition was inevitable. The subcontinent was divided and Pakistan was achieved, leaving Hindus and Muslims partly happy and partly sad.
The Political Factor
The third chapter is dedicated to the political factor which watered the Muslim nationalism in India. It is generally regarded that Indian nationalism was grounded in encompassing all communities. However, the author, based on undeniable evidence, contends that Indian nationalism was essentially Hindu in character, reflecting Hindu aspirations and driving Muslims away from it.
Interestingly, K.K. Aziz does not buy the widely professed belief that the British state managed the divide and rule policy for consolidating their rule. He asserts that the Hindu-Muslim drift was already there and the British only exploited it. His arguments are worth to consider but might not be convincing.
The Religious Factor
In this chapter, the author highlights the paradox between Hindu and Muslim nationalism. The Islamic concept of Millat transcends every kind of boundaries, while the Hindu caste-system implies hierarchy. The author reasserted that the whole Indian nationalism was colored with Hinduism. Terminologies employed by Congress, including Swaraj, Ahimsa, Satyagraha, Swadeshi, etc., all were integral part of Hinduism. Gandhi himself was obeyed due to the conviction that he was a monk.
The Khilafat Movement, a religious-political movement to protect the sanctity of institution of Caliphate, engaged all the Muslims subscribing to any political theory. The movement evoked the feeling that they were first Muslims and then Indians. The extra-territorial affinity of pan-Islamism also alienated them from Hindus. However, the author indicates that it made the British and Hindus suspicious of Muslims imperial designs, resulting in a hostile attitude.
The Christian view of Muslim nationalism, not to be misunderstood as the British view, also cemented Muslim nationalism. Most of the missionaries were partial towards Hinduism and prejudice against Islam, perceiving Islam as the competitor of Christianity. This consolidated Muslim unity in India.
The Cultural Factor
Culture is a mental construct. It is an overarching theme that plays a greater role in driving nationalism. With adherents of many religions inhabiting India, why did only Muslims demand a state? The author rightly said that there were many religions, but only two cultures in India, i.e. Muslims and Hindus. He also delineated the causes which made Urdu, spoken by a minute Muslim section, the national language of Muslims.
The Muslim literature, identified by its religious content, inspiration from Muslim history and influence of Arabic and Persian on it, demarcated the boundary between both nations. The Hindu opposition of Muslim education served the idea that Hindus regarded them as an out-group, maturing their sense of separate nation. Philosophy and art were not an exception. Muslims and Hindus traced their intellectual ancestry to different chains of philosophers.
Even the features of their architecture were entirely different. Wrapping it up, the conflict was not merely religious; it was the clash of two distinct civilizations. When coupled with other factors, it negated any possibility of integration.
The Psychological Factor
Nationalism is essentially a state of mind. We are a nation since we believe in it. The author creates an analogy between patriotism and faith, stating that patriotism is to political life what nationalism is to faith. To sustain the feeling that our patriotism is not mere chauvinism, people seek different foundations. Different myths were created by both Muslims and Hindus to ratify their versions of nationalism. Symbols, ranging from flags to hats, were opted and popularized, nourishing the mindset.
Researchers suggest that the solidarity of a group is multiplied when it is threatened by another group. Muslim nationalism in India was nurtured by the Hindu threat. The fear was intensified by the muddle-headed attitude of Hindus who refused to acknowledge the existence of any such problem. The presence of common heroes maintained the solidarity of the group. Muslims revered early Muslim invaders and later emperors, while Hindus extolled ancient and medieval Hindu monarchs.
History was rewritten aligning with new preferences. The cumulation of all these led to the development of a “national consciousness” among Muslims. Muslim nationalism in India was partly cultural, partly religious, partly political but entirely psychological. They were a nation because they strongly feel that they were a nation.
The Two-Nation Theory
The author quoted scores of British and Hindu intellectuals who became genuinely convinced at some point in time that there existed two entirely different nations in India. The conviction stemmed from their observation of Hindu society, strengthening the validity of the theory. The author concluded that the group of some of the finest scholars of time failed to give an alternative to Pakistan and make an appeal to general Muslim audience.
Conclusion
The conclusion of the book addresses some intriguing questions of fundamental nature. Was Pakistan inevitable or was there any alternative to Pakistan? The author cites a couple of schemes posited by the British and Muslim scholars parallel to that of Pakistan scheme. Interestingly, no Hindu leader came with a substitute for Pakistan. It was primarily due to the Congress’ underestimation of the phenomenal growth of Muslim nationalism. Congress did not offer any resolution to or even acknowledge their aggravating concerns. This negligent and obstinate behavior made Pakistan inevitable.
Reviewer’s Concluding Remarks
The flow of content and variety of words reflects Aziz’s command on English composition and vocabulary. For illustrating the relevance of a particular element to the phenomena of nationalism, Aziz’s quotes multiple examples, commonly from Europe. The technique helps readers to comprehend concepts quickly. The content of the book indicates the author’s diverse reading ranging multiple disciplines, including but not limited to history, political philosophy and thoughts, sociology, etcetera.
Aziz tried to maintain his impartiality while seeking foundations of Muslim nationalism. However, a slight feeling strikes while reading the book that the author has a soft corner for British and a hard stance against Orthodox Muslim nobility. As a whole, the book is remarkable and deserves to be positioned in the libraries of people interested in history and politics of Pakistan and South Asia.
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Mr Sohaib Ahmad is a student of BS International Relations at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.


