For many years, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—marked by ongoing violence and rooted political strife—has been the main focus of Middle Eastern politics. In this regard, the division of Palestinian political authority has been greatly facilitated by the struggle between Hamas and Fatah, the two main Palestinian groups.
Parts of the West Bank are ruled by Fatah, while Hamas maintains power over the Gaza Strip. The political division exists in the Palestinian territory as a result of the historical failure of multiple attempts at reconciliation.
To strengthen its position and promote stability in the Middle East, China has stepped up its mediation efforts. China’s role in mediating a reconciliation agreement between Fatah and Hamas is a noteworthy development in global diplomacy.
Efforts to Reconcile Hamas and Fatah
Hamas and Fatah have a long history of intense rivalry. The two parties have made numerous attempts, all of which failed, to come to an agreement that brings together the two distinct Palestinian regions under a single governing body.
In October 2017, Hamas and Fatah struck a reconciliation pact in Cairo; Egypt led the Arab states’ efforts but ultimately failed as a result of conflict over matters of security and governance. The deal’s main aims were rapidly crushed. Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah of the Palestinian Authority was the victim of an attempted assassination in March 2018 when a bomb went off close to his convoy during his visit to Gaza. Fatah quickly attributed the attack to Hamas.
Furthermore, in October 2022, in Algiers, 14 distinct Palestinian factions, including Hamas and Fatah, signed an accord that included plans to hold presidential and legislative elections within a year of the pact’s signature. However, the terms of the agreement were not carried out. Since the Israel–Hamas conflict broke out in October 2023, all attempts at reconciliation have been put on hold.
China’s Strategy for the Middle East
President Xi Jinping’s announcement of a “new era” in Chinese-Arab relations is reflective of China’s substantial rise in the Middle East.
China is mobilizing significant hard and soft power resources to advance economic, political, and cultural ties with states in the region. This is due to its growing reliance on oil imports from the Middle East.
Beijing is focusing on energy, trade, and local currency transactions as it expands economic links under the Belt and Road Initiative and forms strategic partnerships with Arab states like Bahrain and Tunisia.
America’s shifting popularity in the Arab world and inconsistent actions are contributing factors to China’s expanding influence. China uses economic alliances and diplomacy to counterbalance US dominance rather than engage in direct military action. China’s emphasis on sovereignty and a multipolar world enhances its interest in deeper ties with the Middle East.
By promoting the Palestinian cause, acting as a mediator between Hamas and Fatah, and criticizing US actions, China is expanding its political influence in line with this strategy.
Role of China in the Hamas-Fatah Agreement
On July 23, 2024, in China, Palestinian factions and powerful rivals Hamas and Fatah signed a declaration pledging the formation of a unity government to rule the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip when the Israel-Hamas conflict ends.
The Beijing Declaration, an agreement that involved 12 smaller Palestinian parties, initiated a thawing of relations and possibly led to the reconciliation of the two major Palestinian political figures who fought for a long time over the leadership of the Palestinian territories. The agreement with China simply provides a general framework for cooperation between Hamas and Fatah.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that the agreement was “…dedicated to the great reconciliation and unity of all 14 factions.”
“The core outcome is that the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) is the sole legitimate representative of all Palestinian people,” Wang said, adding that “an agreement has been reached on post-Gaza war governance and the establishment of a provisional national reconciliation government.”
Wang’s remarks left open the question of what function Hamas, which is independent of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), would serve in such an arrangement and what would be the immediate consequences of any agreement.
However, according to the Beijing Declaration, a Palestinian State would be established according to the borders that existed before Israel captured the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem in the 1967 “Six-Day War.” China gives no timeline for its execution and just the broadest concept of how the two groups will cooperate.
China’s view is that all Palestinians must be united inside to achieve an independent Palestine. The reconciliation talks also effectively restored Hamas’ standing as a widely acknowledged political party.
Fatah and its Necessary Compromises
The majority of Hamas’ demands are accepted by Fatah in the Beijing Agreement. Contrary to the beliefs of Fatah, it accepts the right to “resist the occupation” by any means necessary, including armed resistance, and general elections. It even refers to the movements of Al-Jihad and Hamas as “courageous resistance.”
Significant concessions in the reconciliation agreement with Hamas are a realistic need for Fatah. The Palestinian Authority’s (PA) president, Mahmoud Abbas, has three main objectives. The Hamas narrative of struggle against Israel has widespread popularity among Palestinians and Abbas wants to settle the broad support for Hamas by making a compromise. Because Hamas and Islamic Jihad want to take over the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), Abbas wants to keep them from influencing it much. Postponing PLO changes contributes to their exclusion.
Abbas foresees potential future disputes with the US if Donald Trump wins the next US presidential election. He wants to be prepared for any disruptions as a result. In addition, despite opposition from Hamas and other organizations, Abbas wants to keep the PA working with Israel on security matters. Overall, securing a ceasefire agreement is critical to the reconciliation’s viability.
International Response
Israel strongly criticized the Beijing Declaration, especially its recognition of Hamas in any post-conflict political arrangement. Israeli officials, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, contended that Hamas’ engagement hindered peace efforts because of the group’s violent past and categorization as a terrorist organization.
Benjamin Netanyahu has stated that he also opposes the Palestinian Authority ruling Gaza. He said, “I am not prepared to switch from Hamastan to Fatahstan.” He made it clear that he saw both organizations as potential dangers to Israeli security.
The US and other Western nations have committed to not recognize any Palestinian Government that includes Hamas unless Hamas openly recognizes Israel’s right to exist
Chinese Interests
China is changing the geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East by taking a more active position in the region. This may result in new alliances, economic ties, and a possible shift in the balance of power.
In recent times, China has stepped up its diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East, indicating a strategic change in its foreign policy.
China’s diplomatic outreach was shown in 2023 by its capacity to mediate a favorable agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran. This set the stage for China to play the role of an impartial party that can help different factions communicate with one another. A broader strategy to increase China’s diplomatic presence in the area included the decision to welcome Hamas and Fatah to Beijing.
This action is considered to be a part of President Xi Jinping’s strategy to strengthen China’s position as a peaceful mediator and counterbalance the Western power on the world stage. China would gain enormous diplomatic influence in the Middle East if the Palestinian factions—Hamas and Fatah in particular—were able to carry out the reconciliation described in the Beijing Declaration. That would bring China’s influence over a future settlement’s design to a level that competes with the US and forces the US out of its special and privileged role as mediator.
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Sayba Sagheer is an M. Phil International Relations student at Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore. Her areas of interest include defense and strategic studies, geopolitics, and foreign policy analysis of major powers.