Ms Afifa Iqbal has a keen interest in identity politics, colonialism and post-colonial development. She is currently working as a Research Assistant at ITU while pursuing her postgraduate studies in Development, Technology and Policy. She is a Gold Medalist in Political Science from the University of Punjab.
Of Truth and Fiction
“Truth is stranger than fiction, but it is because Fiction is obliged to stick to possibilities; Truth isn’t.” – Mark Twain
Mark Twain might have observed that truth sometimes becomes so peculiar or convoluted that the line between truth and fiction begins to blur, and somewhere between the blurred lines and the hazy atmosphere, truth and fiction become one. Take, for instance, the works of Shakespeare. Even those unfamiliar with his plays have likely heard of him and are acquainted with the storylines.
In his plays, the villains are portrayed as comically bad, feeling completely out of touch. Characters who fall victim to tricks or manipulation appear comically dumbfounded, to the point where even tragedies become laughable (if one possesses a twisted sense of humor, of course).
Consider the case of Edmund, the illegitimate son of the Earl of Gloucester, who embodies pure villainy in “King Lear.” While condemning his father to misery, in Act 3, Scene 5, he declares, “How malicious is my fortune, that I must repent to be just!” Take another example of the “Et tu, Brutus?” famed Brutus from “Julius Caesar,” Act 3, Scene 2: “Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved Rome more.” Staking a claim on moral high ground, expertly rationalizing cognitive dissonance, and strategically utilizing public moral apparatuses. Does this sound familiar?
Bad Blood, Bad Blood, Everywhere
Election season in Pakistan has, for the most part, been a time of bad blood, backroom deals, and political intrigues. The Machiavellian dispositions of the political actors seen in action during the election season can only be compared to the Shakespearean villains. February 8 was no different. In fact, it can be argued that this time around, elections were even more charged, given that a whole generation came of age believing in the ‘Naya Pakistan’ rhetoric, whose very creator was languishing in jail in the lead-up to the 2024 general elections.
There was the whole saga involving Form 45 and Form 47, fanning the flames of election rigging as well as political jockeying, further damaging the public trust in public institutions. Then came February 17. Rawalpindi Commissioner Liaquat Ali Chatta came out swinging with an allegation that he helped rig the February 8 elections in the Rawalpindi division. He also implicated the Chief Election Commissioner and a top judge of the Supreme Court while declaring outside Rawalpindi Cricket Stadium: “We made independent candidates who were winning [the election] with a lead of 70,000-80,000 votes lose by putting on fake stamps.”
He emphatically declared, “I tried to commit suicide today after Fajr prayer. But then I thought, why should I die a forbidden death? Why not put everything in front of the people?” He also stated that he ‘regretted’ “stabbing the country in the back” and that: “This does not allow me to sleep at night. No, I want to die a peaceful death, and I should be punished for what I did. The Chief Election Commissioner and others should be punished along with me.”
Amid the controversy, Commissioner Rawalpindi resigned from his post and publicly declared that he should be hanged for what he had done. To seal it all, he wrote a letter addressed to Punjab Governor Haji Ghulam Ali, interim provincial chief minister Mohsin Naqvi, and the provincial chief secretary, admitting his wrongdoing.
Soon after, denials and refutations started rolling in. The Election Commission of Pakistan swiftly refuted the allegations, asserting that it “strongly rejects” the claims suggesting its involvement in orchestrating election rigging. In its official statement, the ECP clarified, “No official of the election commission ever issued any instructions regarding changing election results to Commissioner Rawalpindi.” It further added that: “It is important to note that the commissioner of any division is not the DRO, RO, or presiding officer and does not have a direct role in conducting the elections.”
Nevertheless, the commission stated that an inquiry would be conducted to probe into the allegations. The Chief Justice of Pakistan, Qazi Faez Isa, denied the allegations and demanded proof while speaking with the media personnel. He stated, “Someone can blame me for theft or murder tomorrow. If hurling allegations is your right, give me evidence along with it too.”
Following these refutations, the newly-appointed Rawalpindi Commissioner Saif Anwar Jhappa held a press conference alongside the District Returning Officers of all four districts under the Rawalpindi Division. He denied the allegations leveled by his predecessor, asserting that no wrongdoing took place during the 2024 general elections in Pakistan and that the elections were conducted transparently.
Ms. Hina Butt, former member of the Punjab Assembly and PMLN leader, recorded a video message for her official Instagram, declaring: “The allegations by Commissioner Liaquat Chatha of Rawalpindi are only caused by his links with the property tycoon and his relationship with PTI’s MNA Ahmed Chatha. She alleges that he wants to make elections controversial only to promote the nefarious activities of “Fitna Khan”.”
Then, to bring it all full circle, came another statement from the now ex-Rawalpindi Commissioner, retracting his rigging allegations. In a written statement to the Secretary of the Election Commission of Pakistan, the former Rawalpindi Commissioner attributed the ‘false’ allegations to his liaisons with an influential member of PTI, as well as the stress of letting go of the perks and privileges associated with the civil service as he was set to retire in March.
He concluded his statement as: “In the end I feel extremely ashamed and embarrassed for making totally false, concocted, anti-state and malicious statement in the press conference. This activity caused embarrassment for me as well as for entire bureaucratic fraternity. I apologise to the entire bureaucratic circles of the country whose reputation has been seriously dented by my actions. I take full responsibility for my actions and surrender myself before the authorities for any kind of legal action.”
Much ado about nothing or everything? In any case, this situation is very Shakespearean. Now, whether it is a Shakespearean comedy or tragedy depends entirely on how much of a cynic the observer is.
Institutions, My Lord, Institutions!
From an objective perspective, the situation seems like a catastrophe of epic proportions. The country is in dire economic straits, the polity is highly fractured and polarized, and public trust in institutions, both civilian and military, is at an all-time low. Even before the allegations of the former Rawalpindi Commissioner, the legitimacy of the 2024 general elections was already in question, with international media publishing op-eds about the beleaguered democracy (or whatever is left of it) in Pakistan.
According to the Economist Intelligence Unit report titled “Age of Conflict”, which released the Democracy Index 2023, Pakistan was downgraded from a ‘hybrid regime’ to an ‘authoritarian regime.’ A democratic setback is bound to further damage economic growth prospects, particularly concerning international financial institutions like the IMF.
The allegations of poll rigging and the subsequent retraction by the Rawalpindi Commissioner are just the cherry on top of the protracted political polycrisis, revealing an alarming decline within the country’s institutional framework. Whatever the motivations of the former commissioner were, the manner in which the statements and retraction were made, with overblown patriotic claims and evocative language, was unbecoming of a commissioner representing a civilian institution. The way in which the allegations were handled was equally problematic, and as Dawn’s editorial pointed out, it “raises more questions than it answers.”
More importantly, questions linger about the former commissioner’s whereabouts and how the state institutions implicated in his initial allegations are going to deal with the fallout. Official retractions do not equate to social retractions, with the public often remaining skeptical even after the retraction. Such episodes invariably leave public trust even more fractured than before.
Put differently, the entire episode was as distasteful as it could get, involving mudslinging, name-calling (Cue in: Ms. Butt’s response), and further complicating the already troubled institutional fabric. Therefore, the top priority for officials, both civilian and military, at this moment should be the restoration of public trust in the institutions. Citizens “need” to trust these institutions, and it’s a prerequisite if those in power ever intend to extricate the country from its current predicament. The starting point should be a transparent inquiry into this entire saga and, ideally, the 2024 general elections of Pakistan (if it’s not too optimistic to hope for).
Preaching to the Choir?
The parallels between the emphatic declarations of Shakespeare’s doomed characters, driven by either villainy or idiocy and those of political actors and public officials in Pakistan are striking. It seems as though everyone is vying to be the protagonist in a stage production that cannot accommodate everyone’s aspirations for the main character’s spotlight. Consequently, each individual is staging their own show according to their whims and desires, with little regard for the coherence of the overall storyline.
So, yes, officials must dedicate their full efforts to rebuilding public trust in institutions. But at the same time, an argument can be made that it is time for secondary characters, prioritizing the integrity of the play, to take the lead. In other words, the institutions require public officials who are content with operating behind the scenes, steering clear of the spotlight.
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