Beyond a shadow of doubt, outer space has evolved from a realm of scientific exploration to an arena of strategic dominance and weaponization. Today’s world sees space through a militarized lens, adding new layers of complexity to the global security dynamics. From satellite communication to space probe exploration to spatial weaponization, the world is again fighting for outer space’s geostrategic, military, and economic domination. All across the globe, nations are involved in formulating and strengthening their space policies to gain an advantage over others. In this regard, Pakistan’s entry into space policy is not optional but imperative.
Considering the unfolding race in South Asia, India’s entry into space, antagonistic to Chinese space ambitions, has marked a new era of the space race. India’s spatial development is marked by aggressive ASAT (anti-satellite) development and testing under the “Mission Shakti.” Moreover, India’s advent in space technology and militarization is a grave threat to Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence, as the former will lead to the failure of Pakistan’s nuclear triad with the deployment of space-to-earth nuclear weapons. It will ultimately push Pakistan towards the brink of a security crisis.
Thus, Pakistan’s entry into the South Asian space race is not a choice but a necessity. Amidst this regional surge, Pakistan is lagging far behind in this discourse. Therefore, the absence of a comprehensive space policy, coupled with an increasing legal void and outdated infrastructure, has led to a tilt in power politics towards India. This article will critically examine the is and the oughts of Pakistan’s space policy, its legal framework, and its impacts on the region’s power dynamics.
India’s Expanding Space Dominance: A Regional Wake-up Call
India’s entry into the space arena is marked by a robust $59.9 million investment in 2024, leading to the title of low-cost innovation leader, having the cheapest space missions with the highest success rate. The long-term investment in growing civil and military capabilities has made India one of the top five spacefaring nations globally and the 6th country with the most satellites in space. The major achievements of ISRO include “Chandrayaan” (Moon mission), “Mangalyaan” (Mars mission), and “Gaganyaan” (upcoming human space flight mission). The 2019 Mission Shakti led to ASAT development, elevating India to a space power status with increasing space-to-earth surveillance capabilities. India to date adopts a “no first use policy” but has integrated space-based assets into the joint tri-doctrine of C4IS, ballistic missiles, and early warning.
China’s Space Supremacy and Regional Outreach
China has firmly established itself as a global space superpower with an approximate $18.15 billion budget. China’s share in the global government space budget has increased up to 12% in 2023, surpassing the combined share of the whole European continent, making it only second to the U.S. China’s civil-military fusion model is dual-use by design. Moreover, China’s Space Silk Route initiative, as a part of BRI, is offering satellite launch and space infrastructure to allies in the region to extend its influence. Pakistan’s PakSat-1R and Sri Lanka’s Raavana-1 are Chinese-built. Through such initiatives, China positions itself as a regional leader in space infrastructure and diplomacy, constantly challenging India’s growing influence.
Pakistan in the Crossfire: Strategic Lag and Legal Vacuum
Pakistan, sharing borders with both, is caught in a crossfire between India’s aggressive ASAT testing and China’s assertive outreach countering India. Despite the basic pillar of our foreign policy being “defiance to Indian hegemony,” our current space engagement is limited to basic satellite use, communication, and weather monitoring. SUPARCO is politicized and greatly lacks the autonomy, funding, and technological advancement enjoyed by ISRO and CNSA. The fiscal year of 2024-25 has proposed a substantial budget allocation of Rs. 65.614 billion for SUPARCO, marking a significant increase from last year’s Rs. 6.5 billion. However, the absence of a clear space doctrine marked by a lack of surveillance, early-warning systems, and space-based intelligence is creating a huge void, leading to stagnant growth.
Conversely, the risks of being left behind are tilting the regional strategic and diplomatic balances. India’s space weaponization would lead to the failure of the nuclear triad, shifting the deterrence balance. China’s dominance could reduce Pakistan’s position to a passive beneficiary rather than an active space partner. Therefore, it is imperative for Pakistan to actively pursue its space program not through a security lens but as a long-term developmental and diplomatic imperative.
The Fall of SUPARCO’s Legacy
Pakistan’s advent in the space arena was marked with a remarkable head start. SUPARCO was established in 1961 under the guidance of Dr. Abdus Salam, before ISRO and CNSA. SUPARCO was one of the first space exploration agencies developed globally. The launch of Rehbar-1 in 1962 was a big milestone for a developing country. Pakistan had the potential of becoming the regional leader in the space arena, as ambitions were real, the scientific community had a strong drive, and there was external support. However, political instability and a lack of long-term planning ended the momentum. However, consistent funding, marked by revolving door democracy, led to non-continuity of projects. ISRO, in contrast, led with clear planning, increasing launches, and innovation.
Absence of Vision and Legal Infrastructure
Despite having a head start, Pakistan is stuck between strategic ambiguity and a policy vacuum. To date, Pakistan lacks a clear space policy, legislative frameworks, and ambitions. SUPARCO has no clear published roadmap, and policy references found are scattered or vague. Operational issues are constantly damaging SUPARCO’s potential with high civil-military overlap, lack of infrastructure, and lack of innovation. The funding of Rs. 65 billion to SUPARCO is still greatly insufficient as compared to its competitors.
Moreover, Pakistan’s space policy has no clear objective of whether it wants to pursue space for research, militarization, or diplomatic defiance to other spacefaring nations. Moreover, Pakistan is not active in space diplomacy forums like UNOOSA and COPUOS, leading to international invisibility. The issue with our space programs is not just funding but a lack of vision, strategic will, and structured reforms and planning.
The Legal Lacuna: Pakistan’s Missing Space Law Framework
The legislative vacuum regarding space ambitions creates a big roadblock in Pakistan’s space policy. Pakistan lacks codified and comprehensive space laws, creating serious implications and confusion. No current legislation targets national space goals, and the existing policies and defense laws do not cover space-specific ambitions, leading to this void. Pakistan is a party to the Outer Space Treaty, Rescue Agreement, Liability Convention, and Registration Convention, but Pakistan has no mechanism to fulfill the required aspects. Moreover, there are no rules for public-private partnerships, and investors are hesitant to invest due to political upheaval. All of these combined limit Pakistan’s ability to claim space assets or defense interests in international forums.
Strategic Vulnerabilities and Asymmetry
Pakistan’s limited capabilities and approaches in space have created a dangerous asymmetry in regional security. The basic pillar of our foreign policy is defiance of Indian hegemony, which is being heavily compromised in recent events. The lack of indigenous satellites for real-time military surveillance is a grave risk, and dependence on China for it is a strategic risk. India’s ASAT testing can target Pakistan’s limited satellite assets, blinding its hegemony. Moreover, the deployment of spatial weaponization and Iron Dome is emerging as a new head of the nuclear triad. India is actively working on equipping these facilities, leading to the failure of nuclear deterrence. Similarly, space cyberattacks and hijacking are increasing, against which Pakistan is totally defenseless. The absence of an ASAT testing approach and space-based deterrence leads to inconsistent planning and a low annual budget. SUPARCO is not integrated into a national defense or security plan, as the military only sees space as a strategic backup, not a proactive domain. Therefore, it is the need of the hour for Pakistan to move beyond vague goals and unclear ambitions and adopt a clear, well-charted roadmap regarding space doctrine.
The Road Ahead
To bridge the policy and legal voids in Pakistan’s space sector, the government should finalize short-term and long-term goals regarding space exploration and civil-military usage. Central to this enactment, there is a dire need for a comprehensive national space law along with domestic laws that should inculcate space ambitions, activities, and militarization. Environmental standards for space search should be inculcated regarding space debris and salvage. Public-private partnerships and explorations should be encouraged to attract international investment and funding.
Moreover, India’s space draft activities bill, the U.S. space policy, and the UAE’s federal space laws can be studied to provide a guideline for Pakistan. In addition to policy reforms, real-time investment and funding are needed to actively start the space programs. The government must boost R&D through academic partnerships by setting up space hubs in universities and offering internships. Moreover, steps must be taken to ensure active engagement with international forums like UNCOPUOS, UNOOSA, and IADC, leading to diplomatic relevance in the space arena. Conversion of SUPARCO into a research-based institution is a must to ensure innovation.
Conclusion: A Race against Time
In a nutshell, the development of a comprehensive space policy for Pakistan is not just a matter of prestige; it is closely tied to our national security, economic growth, and regional stability. The continuous stagnation will not only leave Pakistan geopolitically sidelined but will also push us down an irrecoverable security dilemma. The window to catch up is continuously narrowing, and it is the dire need of the hour to bring legal, policy, and institutional reforms. The first steps towards Pakistan being one of the major spacefaring nations lie in the codification of laws, the development of crystal-clear spatial goals, and embracing multilateralism. All these steps must be taken to help Pakistan secure its deserved place in the international space arena.
The stars are no longer out of reach, but time is slipping away.
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The views and opinions expressed in this article/paper are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Paradigm Shift.
Areeba Imran is a third-year law student at Pakistan College of Law with a focused interest in constitutional law, environmental law, and the emerging field of space law. She serves as the general secretary of the Environment and Law Society and has interned at the Advocate General’s Office. Through her writing, Areeba aims to contribute to nuanced legal discourse on both national and global platforms.